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Product details
File Size: 7632 KB
Print Length: 468 pages
Publisher: Yale University Press (March 30, 1998)
Publication Date: March 30, 1998
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B00D8JJYWA
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Scott begins with a history of the tension between the desire for legibility versus the desire for local control. E.g. central governments wanted to know how much they could tax peasants without causing famine or revolt. Yet even in the optimistic case where they got an honest tax collector to report how many bushels of grain John produced, they had problems due to John's village having an idiosyncratic meaning of "bushel" that the tax collector couldn't easily translate to something the central government knew. And it was hard to keep track of whether John had paid the tax, since the central government didn't understand how the villagers distinguished that John from the John who lived a mile away.So governments that wanted to grow imposed lots of standards on people. That sometimes helped peasants by making their taxes fairer and more predictable, but often trampled over local arrangements that had worked well (especially complex land use agreements).I found that part of the book to be a fairly nice explanation of why an important set of conflicts was nearly inevitable. Scott gives a relatively balanced view of how increased legibility had both good and bad effects (more efficient taxation, diseases tracked better, Nazis found more Jews, etc.).Then Scott becomes more repetitive and one-sided when describing high modernism, which carried the desire for legibility to a revolutionary, authoritarian extreme (especially between 1920 and 1960). I didn't want 250 pages of evidence that Soviet style central planning was often destructive. Maybe that conclusion wasn't obvious to enough people when Scott started writing the book, but it was painfully obvious by the time the book was published.Scott's complaints resemble the Hayekian side of the socialist calculation debate, except that Scott frames in terms that minimize associations with socialism and capitalism. E.g. he manages to include Taylorist factory management in his cluster of bad ideas.It's interesting to compare Fukuyama's description of Tanzania (in Political Order and Political Decay) with Scott's description. They both agree that villagization (Scott's focus) was a disaster. Scott leaves readers with the impression that villagization was the most important policy, whereas Fukuyama only devotes one paragraph to it, and gives the impression that the overall effects of Tanzania's legibility-increasing moves were beneficial (mainly via a common language causing more cooperation). Neither author provides a balanced view (but then they were both drawing attention to neglected aspects of history, not trying to provide a complete picture).My advice: read the SlateStarCodex book review, don't read the whole book.
Insightful, though it's not for everybody. An extended discussion about how government agencies shape the world to accomplish their ends, Very much about the law of unintended consequences. I am no scholar, so I cannot debate his thesis , but I find this book has changed the way way I look at the world, and particularly, the character of government.
To my mind, the central argument of this book is critical to understanding numerous aspects of how the world we live in today came into being, and why it functions the way that it does. I cannot overstate how impressed I was by Scott's ideas, arguments, and evidence. Scott focuses in this book on how these ideas relate to governments and policy, with a focus on agriculture, but are also worth considering for their impact in smaller arenas, such as business, trade, and even family relations.With that said, it is very scholarly in tone. It is not particularly accessible, and fairly hard work to read. I would also argue that the second half of the book could have been shorter by half, and one could probably still get the vast majority of the value of the book by focusing on the first half or so, and skimming or perhaps even skipping the second half.Nevertheless, if you are interested in government, policy, social policy, or even business, I would highly recommend investing the time to read and understand this book.
In a world where governments continually seek to invade personal privacy, control the elements, clump humanity into categories and relentlessly attempt to socially engineer their populations, Scott seeks to make sense of the situation by explaining the why and how behind governmental actions, making "the case for the indispensable role of practical knowledge, informal processes, and improvisation in the face of unpredictability." Perhaps Scott sums it up best when he says, "Much of this book can be read as a case against the imperialism of high modernist, planned social order." Every part of this book is clear and concise. This is a rare gem among modern academia.
This book is essentially a series of discussions of how the perceptual gaps of state apparatus lead to specific sorts of problems, especially when the state attempts to perform large scale, society-changing work. While the book is written by a man who could be reasonably described as a minarchist, it's exceptionally useful to big-state left wing socialists, such as myself, who value understanding why this sort of thing has failed, and failed so badly, in the past.In addition to the educational value, it is an absolute page turner, filled with exciting historical moments that will be brand new to most American readers. I heartily recommend it to anyone.
This book argues that states create simple models in order to understand and regulate society. In many cases forcing society to conform to the model becomes an end in itself. The oversimplification implicit in these models causes various reform schemes to fail. Most of the book consists of presenting examples and variations on this theme.I saw in another review a criticism that the examples were not convincing, which I disagree with. The examples seem proper and on topic to me. They include modernist theories of urban design, the Russian revolution, and agricultural "reforms" in the Soviet Union and Tanzania. Another reviewer thought Scott is making the same argument as Hayek, but that's not really true though they're certainly more similar than the author is willing to admit.My major criticism of this book is that it's about 60-70% too long. There's a lot of repetition and musing that could have been cut.
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